FACT-FINDING REPORT POLITICAL REPRESSIONS IN ARMENIA June–July 2026 (Part Two, Conclusion)

(The beginning is at this link https://zham.am/?p=191921&l=am )

Everyone Charged with a Criminal Offence Shall Be Presumed Innocent Until Proven Guilty According to the Law

Applicable standards: Constitution of the Republic of Armenia, art. 66; ICCPR, art.14.2.

In the context of safeguarding the presumption of innocence, the European Court of Human Rights has noted that an aggressive media campaign may, in certain circumstances, prejudice the fairness of proceedings by influencing public opinion and, consequently, potentially affecting the court’s assessment of the accused person’s guilt.

According to defense lawyers, the principle of the presumption of innocence is being undermined in cases perceived as serving political objectives. Defense teams have repeatedly raised concerns about dependent judges, the imitation of justice, pressure based constraints on judges, the termination of the powers of judges perceived as independent, and other related problems.[1]

From the perspective of the presumption of innocence, concerns also arise in politically sensitive cases from the publication of audio recordings and from statements by public officials asserting or implying the guilt of persons under prosecution.

One of the most prominent examples of the latter occurred on 20 May 2026, during the election campaign, when Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan publicly stated that a crime report should be submitted and criminal proceedings initiated in relation to Andranik Tevanyan, Chairman of the “Mother Armenia” Party and number two on the electoral list of the “Prosperous Armenia” Party.[2]

Immediately thereafter, the National Security Service and the Investigative Committee took concrete steps towards realizatoin of the actions outlined in the Prime Minister’s statement.

 Everyone Has the Right to Leave Any Country, Including Their Own

Applicable standards: Constitution of the Republic of Armenia, art.40.2; UDHR, art.13;  ICCPR, art. 12; ECHR Protocol 4, art.2.

The threat voiced by the leader of the ruling political force during the election campaign to restrict the freedom of movement of key political opponents was put into effect by law-enforcement bodies immediately after the 7 June 2026 election, thus corroborating that the measures were politically directed and motivated.

On 15 May 2026, during a Civil Contract rally in Armavir, Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan referred to his political opponents as a “three-headed mafia” and stated: “They will dream of having the opportunity to flee Armenia, and they will not have that opportunity.”[3]

On 9 June 2026, law-enforcement officers prevented Gagik Tsarukyan, leader of the “Prosperous Armenia” Party, from leaving the Republic of Armenia through Zvartnots International Airport. Criminal prosecution was subsequently initiated against him under Article 290(3)(2) of the Criminal Code, and a prohibition on leaving the country was imposed as a preventive measure.[4] Following the conclusion of the proceedings before the Constitutional Court challenging the election results, measures were initiated to place G. Tsarukyan in detention and deprive him of property.

On 15 June 2026, Robert Kocharyan, leader of the “Armenia” Alliance and the second President of the Republic of Armenia, was prohibited from leaving the country.[5] Earlier, the Office of the Second President had issued a statement indicating that Robert Kocharyan was scheduled to leave Armenia on 14 June 2026 for a long-planned three-day private visit. On 16 June 2026, new criminal proceedings were instigated against him on charges of abuse of official position and money laundering. The Central Electoral Commission (CEC) gave its consent to the prosecution, granting a motion submitted by the Prosecutor General’s Office.

On 12 June 2026, Narek Karapetyan, number one on the electoral list of the “Strong Armenia” Alliance, was also prevented from leaving Armenia.[6] Narek Karapetyan stated that he had intended to travel to the Upper Lars border crossing in order to document the accumulation of Armenian trucks there, which, according to him, had resulted from Russian bans and restrictions on the import of numerous Armenian goods. He stated that Armenian border guards did not allow him to leave the territory of the Republic of Armenia. In response to media inquiries, the investigative authorities stated that they had not imposed any restriction on Narek Karapetyan’s departure from the country.[7] On 22 July 2026, criminal prosecution was instigated against Narek Karapetyan[8], the first in the ‘Strong Armenia’ electoral list, whereas the Prosecutor General’s Office declined to disclose details concerning the case. On 23 July 2026, a prohibition on leaving the country and bail in the amount of AMD 1 billion were imposed on him as a preventive measure.[9]

No one shall be subjected to arbitrary or unlawful interference with his privacy, family, home or correspondence, nor to unlawful attacks on his honour and reputation.

Applicable standards: Constitution of the Republic of Armenia, art.31 and 32; UDHR, art.12; ICCPR, art.17; ECHR, art.8.

Under the current authorities, the practice of conducting searches in the early morning hours has become widespread, causing additional psychological distress, particularly to elderly and minor members of the families. Moreover, such actions are often accompanied by a failure to present, properly and in a timely manner, the judicial decision authorizing the search, as well as by obstacles to contacting a lawyer. In almost all cases, mobile phones are seized.

On 22 May 2026, a search was conducted at the office of the “Mother Armenia” Party within the framework of the case instigated against party leader Andranik Tevanyan, number two on the electoral list of the “Prosperous Armenia” Party. According to party representatives, law-enforcement officers initially did not present the search warrant and restricted video recording of the operation. The search was conducted in different parts of the office simultaneously, making it difficult to monitor its course. According to the defense, Andranik Tevanyan was also not given sufficient time to call a lawyer and wait for the lawyer’s arrival.

On the same day, in Tevanyan’s absence, representatives of the investigative authority and the National Security Service entered the apartment belonging to him, depriving him of the opportunity to monitor their actions.

On 12 June 2026, a search was conducted at the residence of Aregnaz Manukyan, a member of the “Mother Armenia” Party and a candidate included on the electoral list of the “Prosperous Armenia” Party. According to Manukyan and her lawyer, the decision setting out the legal grounds for the search was not presented at the beginning of the operation, and video recording was restricted before they had been able to review it.[10] Although a lawyer participated in the search, the defense stated that insufficient time had been provided for prior consultation and preparation of the defense position.

On 3 July 2026, a search was also conducted at the residence of Yervand Bozoyan, a board member of the “Mother Armenia” Party.[11] According to the defense, he was not given a reasonable opportunity to call a lawyer and wait for the lawyer’s arrival. Immediately after the search, Bozoyan was summoned for questioning without sufficient time for proper consultation with his lawyer.

On 6 July 2026, as part of the large-scale law-enforcement operation against Gagik Tsarukyan, leader of the “Prosperous Armenia” Party, an early-morning search was conducted at his house, while lawyers were prevented from participating in the proceedings for a considerable period of time. During the search, animals belonging to the Tsarukyans were also seized without adequate arrangements being made for their care and safe transportation. It was reported that one of the rare white lions did not regain consciousness after being sedated for transportation. Animals and objects with no apparent connection to the investigation, including stuffed animals, were also seized.

Searches were conducted at “Multi Group Concern”, its affiliated companies, and the residences of their managers, at more than 70 addresses in total. As a result, the activities of several enterprises were suspended or significantly restricted.

Sports facilities were also sealed, including “Olympavan”, where both Armenian and foreign athletes were preparing for international competitions. According to the published information, thousands of employees faced with forced downtime, while supply disruptions were registered in certain sectors of economy.

On 5 June 2026, investigative actions were carried out at “Armat Media”. Investigators seized the mobile phones of the editorial staff without explanation. The search and seizures were conducted in the absence of the lawyers. According to the editor, officers of the National Security Service and the Investigative Committee entered the editorial offices, prohibited journalists and editors from leaving the room, and prevented them from calling their lawyer. Notably, on 27 July 2026, the Court of Appeal ruled that the search had been unlawful, finding that the rights of Alik Aleksanyan, the owner of the media outlet, had been violated.[12]

In the early morning of 23 July 2026, law-enforcement officers conducted searches at the residence and in the vehicles of Ishkhan Saghatelyan, representative of the Supreme Body of the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (ARF) in Armenia and a Member of Parliament from the “Armenia” Parliamentary Faction.[13] According to Saghatelyan, the factual grounds for the search were not clearly explained to him. Law-enforcement authorities linked the operation to an alleged failure to comply with certain requirements of the Compulsory Enforcement Service, but did not clarify which specific requirements were at issue or how the alleged non-compliance justified the necessity of searching his residence.

On 6 June 2026, the day before the election, law-enforcement officers carried out actions at the residence of Armen Ashotyan, Vice-President of the Republican Party of Armenia, after which he was arrested and brought before the court.

In the early morning of 24 June 2026, a search was conducted at the residence of Avetik Chalabyan, coordinator of the “Hayaqve” National Civic Union, after which he was arrested. Chalabyan’s visits with family members were restricted. According to the defense, the combined use of detention and restrictions on contacts with the family constituted a disproportionate interference with his private and family life.

On 31 July 2026, Liparit Drmeyan, a member of the “Wings of Unity” Party, filed a defamation lawsuit against Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan over a statement, claiming it to be “untrue” and “damaging to his honor and dignity.”[14] The statement in question was made by the Prime Minister during a press conference on 30 July 2026, when he instructed law-enforcement bodies to launch an investigation against Liparit Drmeyan, former Acting Representative of Armenia on International Legal Matters and a member of the “Wings of Unity” Party in the recent elections, in connection with the arbitration case in which Electric Networks of Armenia (ENA) won the case against the Government.

On the same day, the Prosecutor General’s Office acted on Pashinyan’s announcement.[15] The “Wings of Unity” Party issued a statement concerning the situation involving its member Liparit Drmeyan, stating: “The Prosecutor General’s Office acted on Pashinyan’s announcement almost immediately. Such a prompt response gives rise, at the very least, to a reasonable assumption that this action had been planned and coordinated in advance, further deepening the suspicion that we are dealing with an execution of a political order, rather than independent investigation.” The statement further emphasized that: “In a state governed by the rule of law, drafting a document that contradicts the Government’s position, declining to record the conclusion desired by the Prime Minister, or expressing a different professional opinion does not constitute a criminal offence.”[16]

Everyone Shall Have the Right to Hold Opinions without Interference

Everyone Shall Have the Right to Freedom of Expression

Applicable standards: Constitution of the Republic of Armenia, art.42; UDHR, art.19; ICCPR, art.19; ECHR, art.10.

During the reporting period, information was published concerning alleged politically motivated employment-related and economic restrictions imposed on persons working in educational, state, and municipal institutions.

According to the published information, as of September 2026, the former Human Rights Defender Ruben Melikyan, Associate Professor Alen Ghevondyan, Shushan Vardanyan from the Faculty of History and Professor Khachik Galstyan will no longer teach at the Yerevan State University.

The lecturers concerned are known for their critical views regarding government policies, and the decisions have, therefore, been linked in public discourse to their political position.

Information has also been circulated concerning the decision not to renew the employment contract with Academician Gagik Ghazinyan.[17] He is the father of Davit Ghazinyan, an Member of Parliament from the “Strong Armenia” Faction, and has publicly defended the rights of opposition figures who have come under scrutiny by law-enforcement bodies.

On 13 July 2026, it was reported that obstetrician-gynecologist Arpine Soghoyan had been dismissed from her position on the grounds of staff reduction. She became particularly known following a heated exchange and incident with Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan in the Arabkir administrative district during the election campaign in May.

According to media reports, a number of employees of the Goris Municipality, including Deputy Mayor Artyom Aghajanyan, were dismissed from their positions. These actions were linked in public reports to the failure to secure sufficient number of votes for the ruling party within the community during the parliamentary elections.

Everyone Shall Have the Right to Freedom of Thought, Conscience and Religion.

Any Advocacy of National, Racial or Religious Hatred that Constitutes Incitement to Discrimination, Hostility or Violence Shall be Prohibited by Law.

Applicable standards: Constitution of the Republic of Armenia, art.17, 18 and 41; UDHR, art.18;  ICCPR, art.18 and 20; ECHR, art.9; Law of the Republic of Armenia on Freedom of Conscience and Religious Organizations, art.17 and 18; Law of the Republic of Armenia on Relations between the Republic of Armenia and the Armenian Apostolic Holy Church, art.2.

Since May 2025, the campaign launched by Prime Minister Pashinyan and members of the “Civil Contract” Party against the Armenian Apostolic Holy Church has intensified to an unprecedented degree. As a result, not only members of the clergy but also the Catholicos of All Armenians have been subjected to pressure and prosecution. Government representatives have adopted the practice of referring to the Catholicos of All Armenians and other clergy members by their secular names, which is perceived as a demonstrative act of disrespect toward them and as degrading and offensive treatment toward followers of the Armenian Apostolic Holy Church. Notably, the campaign against the Armenian Church began following the international conference entitled “Religious Freedom: Preserving Armenian Spiritual, Cultural and Historical Heritage in Artsakh/Nagorno-Karabakh,” organized in Bern, Switzerland, on 26–28 May 2025, by the World Council of Churches (WCC) and the Protestant Church of Switzerland, at the initiative of His Holiness Karekin II, Supreme Patriarch and Catholicos of All Armenians.[18]

On 31 July 2026, the media reported that the criminal case involving the Catholicos of All Armenians and six bishops and archbishops who are members of the Supreme Spiritual Council had been sent to the Armavir Court, with the first hearing scheduled for 7 August.[19] The criminal case had been instigated on 14 February 2026, shortly before the Bishops’ Assembly scheduled to take place in Austria, on 16–19 February 2026, and the Catholicos was prohibited from leaving Armenia. On 12 February 2026, a number of representatives of the Armenian Diaspora issued an open letter stating that the “continued attacks on the leadership of the Church and threats of the forced removal of its leader” constituted a direct threat to Armenians throughout the world.[20]

Evidence of political persecution and interference in the internal governance of the Church is also seen in the fact that, the “Civil Contract” Party, in its electoral program for the 2026 National Assembly elections, under what it presented as an agenda of “reform” of the Church, and linking it to narratives of “security and hybrid warfare,” set as programmatic objectives the“removal of the de facto head of the Armenian Apostolic Holy Church”and the“adoption of a Charter of the Armenian Apostolic Holy Church.” These matters fall entirely outside the functions of both the state and a political party.[21]

Moreover, these objectives are inconsistent not only with the Constitution of the Republic of Armenia and the constitutionally recognized status of the Armenian Apostolic Holy Church as the“national church,” but also with the following international standards that Armenia has undertaken to respect and protect, under which the state should not appoint, remove or exert political influence over the leadership of religious organizations:

• Article 18 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights;
• UN Human Rights Committee General Comment No. 22, which protects the autonomy of religious communities;
• Article 9 of the European Convention on Human Rights, and the legal principles established in a number of judgments of the European Court of Human Rights;
• Relevant principles of the OSCE/ODIHR and the Council of Europe’s Venice Commission.

In violation of the clear provisions of the Constitution of the Republic of Armenia and Armenian legislation guaranteeing the autonomy of the Church and non-interference by the state in its internal affairs, criminal proceedings have been instigated against the leadership of the Church. “The Catholicos is being accused of something that falls within the internal jurisdiction of the Church. The European Court of Human Rights has clearly stated in numerous precedent-setting judgments that the state has no right to interfere with the autonomy of the Church,” the lawyer emphasized.[22]

During the period covered by the Report, the preventive measure applied to Archbishop Mikael Ajapahian was modified: he is accused in connection with views expressed in an interview given approximately two years earlier. On 25 June 2026, the Court of Appeal, finding a violation of territorial jurisdiction, overturned the decision of the First Instance Court and transferred the proceedings to the First Instance Court of General Jurisdiction of the Shirak Province. It lifted Archbishop Ajapahian’s house arrest while maintaining the prohibition on leaving the country.[23] Archbishop Mikael was detained on 28 June 2025.[24] On 6 February 2026, his detention was replaced with house arrest. While in detention, he underwent two surgical operations.

On 4 June 2026, by decision of the Court of Appeal, the detention of Archbishop Bagrat Galstanyan, leader of the “Sacred Struggle” movement, was replaced with house arrest.[25] Archbishop Bagrat has been held in detention since 26 June 2025.

Every Citizen Shall Have the Right and the Opportunity, without Any Distinctions and without Unreasonable Restrictions, to Vote and to Be Elected at Genuine Periodic Elections which Shall Be by Universal and Equal Suffrage and Shall Be Held by Secret Ballot, Guaranteeing The Free Expression of The Will of The Electors.

Applicable standards: Constitution of the Republic of Armenia, art.48; UDHR, art.21; ICCPR, art.25; ECHR Protocol 1, art.3.

 On 3 July 2026, the National Assembly, with the votes of the “Civil Contract” Party alone, adopted under an expedited procedure the Law on the Amendments to the Electoral Code which may deprive hundreds of thousands of citizens of the opportunity to vote. The draft law was submitted without an opinion from the Venice Commission and, according to its critics, contradicts the Constitution of the Republic of Armenia, which provides that all Armenian citizens aged 18 and over have the right to vote.

In addition to opposition political forces, a number of civil society organizations also characterised the law as unconstitutional, arguing that it restricts electoral rights unlawfully and disproportionately, threatens democratic principles, and obstructs the right of the citizens of the Republic of Armenia to participate in the formation of the public authority.[26] The opposition intends to challenge the law before the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Armenia.

 Following the 7 June 2026 National Assembly elections, a number of political forces announced that they did not accept the official election results, citing the use of administrative resources, electoral violations, political pressure, and unequal conditions for political competition.

 The decision adopted by the Central Electoral Commission on 14 June 2026 was challenged before the Constitutional Court by seven political parties and alliances. The applicants requested that the election results be declared invalid, that new elections be called, or that the distribution of parliamentary mandates be revised.

 The Central Electoral Commission had declared the voting results in three polling stations invalid without ordering repeat voting in those polling stations, although this was required under Armenian legislation. According to the Central Electoral Commission’s assessment, this affected the distribution of mandates. The “Prosperous Armenia” Party fell short of the threshold required for parliamentary representation by 154 votes, while the votes of approximately 60,000 voters from the polling stations concerned were not included in the final results. As a consequence, around 60,000 voters were effectively deprived of the exercise of their electoral rights, while the state failed to take appropriate measures to protect the rights of those citizens, who represented approximately 2.4% of Armenia’s electorate.

 During the Constitutional Court proceedings, it was recorded that motions had been submitted to the Central Electoral Commission seeking consent to initiate criminal prosecution and impose deprivation of liberty in respect of 18 parliamentary candidates. Of those, the motions concerning 15 persons had been granted, while three had not yet been considered. Detention had been imposed as a preventive measure on 11 parliamentary candidates, house arrest on three, and administrative supervision on one. Five accused persons had been declared wanted. In addition, 29 criminal cases involving 107 persons had been sent to the competent courts with indictments. It should be noted that all of the persons concerned were representatives of the opposition, which may support the hypothesis that the measures taken against them were politically motivated.

 In addition, the Constitutional Court stated the following:

“19.7. The Constitutional Court notes that throughout the entire electoral period, voters are exposed to active flows of information, and the formation of their will is influenced both by statements made by public authorities and their officials and by the manner in which such statements are covered by the media and social networks. In the context of safeguarding the presumption of innocence, the European Court of Human Rights has noted that an aggressive media campaign may, in certain circumstances, prejudice the fairness of proceedings by influencing public opinion and, consequently, the court’s determination regarding the guilt of the accused.

9. Taking the above into account, and also noting that public statements concerning the guilt of a candidate included on the electoral list of a political party (or alliance of political parties), or of other participants in the electoral process, may damage their public reputation and create a negative attitude toward the relevant political force (alliance of political parties) or individual, the Constitutional Court considers that, where there is no necessity arising from the purposes of criminal proceedings, law-enforcement bodies should refrain, at least until and including election day, from mentioning in public communications concerning alleged criminal acts and their alleged perpetrators the name of the political force participating in the elections.”[27]

On 4 July 2026, the Constitutional Court dismissed all applications and upheld Decision No. 258-A of the Central Electoral Commission dated 14 June 2026. The Court identified shortcomings in the electoral process but did not consider them sufficient to invalidate the election results.

 Right to Property and the Principle of Inviolability of Property

Applicable standards: Constitution of the Republic of Armenia, art.60; UDHR, art.17; ECHR Protocol 1, art.1.

During the election campaign, on 18 May 2026, Prime Minister Pashinyan made threatening statements concerning his principal political opponents and promised to punish them. He stated: “I will cow Rob as well, I will cow Serzh, I will cow the man from Kaluga, and Gago, as well. I will cow your Rob, make him kneel, I will finish him off; I will make your man from Kaluga kneel and finish him off, as well. Take off your masks, you scoundrels, you fugitives. Take off your masks, Rob’s and Serzh’s lackeys, and Gago’s lackeys. I will take off those masks one by one and shove them where they belong.”[28]

At present, a process amounting in practice to the deprivation of property of Gagik Tsarukyan, leader of the “Prosperous Armenia” Party, is underway. Criminal, economic, and property-related measures against Tsarukyan began immediately after the completion of proceedings challenging the election results, in circumstances where the party led by him had failed to enter Parliament by a margin of only 154 votes. As of the date of the Report, the “AraratCement” Plant, the “Multi Wellness” Sports and Health Complex, and the “Ararat Wine, Vodka and Cognac Plant,” all belonging to Tsarukyan or members of his family, had been transferred under state control, while the licence of the “Shangri La Casino” had been suspended.[29]

It should be noted that, before the adoption of the final judicial decisions, political statements referring to the “nationalization” of companies or their “return to the people” may conflict with the presumption of innocence, the protection of property rights, and the principle of separation of powers. Such statements may also give rise to a reasonable perception that the outcome of the legal proceedings has been predetermined by the executive authorities.

The timing and scale of these measures raise concerns that legal mechanisms may have been used to restrict the economic and political capacities of a political opponent, rather than exclusively for legitimate purposes of criminal justice.

CONCLUSION

 Taken together, the cases documented during the reporting period reveal a pattern involving the combined use of criminal prosecution, judicial measures, and economic restrictions, directed predominantly against opposition political forces, their leaders and supporters, as well as individuals critical of the authorities, particularly in the period following the 7 June 2026 elections.

Indicators pointing to a possible political motive include the timing of the measures in relation to the electoral process, the selective nature of the persons targeted, the apparent connection between threatening public statements by senior officials and subsequent law-enforcement actions, as well as the fact registered by the Constitutional Court that the parliamentary candidates subjected to criminal prosecution were exclusively representatives of the opposition.

Particular concern arises in relation to fair-trial guarantees, including the transparency of case assignment, judicial independence, the justification for pre-trial detention, and respect for the presumption of innocence in the context of public statements.

Where the existence of risks prescribed by law is not sufficiently substantiated and detention, nevertheless, continues for an extended period, there is a danger that detention may effectively be used as a form of punishment prior to conviction.

The most serious concerns relate to the protection of life and health, including deaths in detention facilities, timely access to medical care, and conditions of detention, as well as the effective protection of the rights to private and family life and to freedom from torture and inhuman or degrading treatment. The incidents documented in this regard pose problems under Articles 6 and 7 of the ICCPR and Articles 2 and 3 of the ECHR.

At the same time, the measures taken against the leadership and clergy of the Armenian Apostolic Holy Church, together with the legal concerns raised in connection with those measures, require particular attention to ensuring respect for the constitutional and statutory boundaries governing relations between the state and the Armenian Apostolic Holy Church.

Taken as a whole, these developments may have a significant restrictive and inhibiting effect on political participation, freedom of expression, and political pluralism. They raise serious concerns regarding respect for the rule of law and the principle of separation of powers.

DEMANDS ADDRESSED TO THE ARMENIAN AUTHORITIES

In light of the above, the Committee emphasizes the urgency of taking the following measures.

To the Authorities of the Republic of Armenia

(Government, Prosecutor General’s Office, investigative and law-enforcement bodies)

• Discontinue criminal prosecutions that appear to be politically motivated and refrain from public statements concerning ongoing proceedings that prejudge the guilt of the persons concerned;
• Ensure timely and adequate medical care for detained persons and conduct effective and independent investigations into all deaths that have occured in places of detention;
• Apply detention as an exceptional measure rather than as a rule, giving preference to alternative preventive measures;
• Improve conditions of detention in penitentiary institutions and reduce overcrowding;
• Eliminate the disproportionate and degrading use of force and handcuffs during arrests;
• Guarantee the effective exercise of the right to defense, including timely access to a lawyer and sufficient time for confidential consultation;
• Restore detainees’ right to visits with family members, particularly minor children, taking into account the best interests of the child;
• Discontinue the abusive practice of early-morning searches and ensure the proper and timely presentation of judicial decisions authorizing searches;
• Respect the autonomy of the Armenian Apostolic Holy Church and ensure compliance with the constitutional and legislative safeguards governing relations between the State and the Church, excluding unjustified interference by state authorities in the internal affairs of the Church.

 To the Judicial System and the Supreme Judicial Council

• Ensure random electronic ascription of cases at all levels of the judiciary;
• Guarantee the independence of judges and require proper, individualized reasoning in decisions imposing or extending detention;
• Respect parliamentary immunity in accordance with the decisions of the Constitutional Court.

To the National Assembly

• Bring amendments to electoral legislation into conformity with the Constitution of the Republic of Armenia and the standards of the Venice Commission, ensuring that any restriction on electoral rights is proportionate and, where necessary, obtaining an opinion from the Venice Commission.

 To the Human Rights Defender

• Continue monitoring the cases identified in this Report, as well as other similar cases, and publish the relevant findings;
• Reflect human rights violations documented in politically sensitive cases, as well as complaints and reports received in relation to such cases, in reports and communications submitted to international and European institutions.

 RECOMMENDATIONS TO INTERNATIONAL PARTNERS

(Council of Europe, European Court of Human Rights, OSCE/ODIHR, Venice Commission, European Union, UN treaty bodies, PACE)

• Continue monitoring and engagement regarding the human rights situation in Armenia through the relevant mechanisms;
• Consider the concerns presented in this Report within the framework of bilateral and multilateral dialogue;

Incorporate the measures recommended in this Report into reporting on Armenia’s compliance with its international obligations.
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ABBREVIATIONS
OSCE/ODIHR - Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe / Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights
PACE - Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe
CEC - Central Electoral Commission
ECtHR - European Court of Human Rights
ECHR - European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms
UDHR - Universal Declaration of Human Rights
HRD - Human Rights Defender
ICCPR - International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights
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List of Individuals Persecuted on Political Grounds Included in the Report

# Name, Surname Reference page
1. Artyom Aghajanyan 15
2. Archbishop Mikael Ajapahian 17
3. Alik Aleksanyan 7, 14
4. Armen Ashotyan 7, 8, 14
5. Yervand Bozoyan 10, 13
6. Vahagn Chakhalyan 8
7. Avetik Chalabyan 6, 9, 14
8. Liparit Drmeyan 14, 15
9. Archbishop Bagrat Galstanyan 8, 17
10. Khachik Galstyan 15
11. Davit Ghazinyan 7
12. Gagik Ghazinyan 15
13. Alen Ghevondyan 15
14. Vardan Ghukasyan 4
15. Armen Hovhannisyan 4, 5
16. Narek Karapetyan 12
17. Samvel Karapetyan 7
18. His Holiness Karekin II, Supreme Patriarch and Catholicos of All Armenians 16
19. Robert Kocharyan 12
20. Edik Maloyan 7
21. Aregnaz Manukyan 6, 9, 10, 13
22. Arsen Melikyan 7
23. Ruben Melikyan 15
24. Karapet Poghosyan 8
25. Ishkhan Saghatelyan 14
26. Arman Sargsyan 7
27. Artur Sargsyan 8
28. Liliya Sargsyan 7
29. Arpine Soghoyan 15
30. Andranik Tevanyan 4, 5, 6, 9, 10, 11, 13
31. Gagik Tsarukyan 5, 10, 12, 13, 19
32. Shushan Vardanyan 15
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[1] Interview with lawyer M. Farmanyan on H2 TV’s “ProFact” program

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3aGoPaSuQRs&list=PLZ6YCvC786QXvlwrSaR8F4O-nioDuh3Ae&index=8

[2]      https://www.facebook.com/share/v/1FVpmu93pP/ (Statement by N. Pashinyan: “You know that Andranik Tevanyan is number two on the Prosperous Armenia Party’s electoral list. Tomorrow, the National Security Service of the Republic of Armenia, in accordance with the established procedure, will submit a crime report to the Investigative Committee, with the expectation that criminal proceedings will be initiated against Andranik Tevanyan under the article concerning high treason, and that we will finally, fully and completely eradicate this espionage network from the Republic of Armenia.”)

[3] https://www.aravot.am/2026/05/15/1557226/ ;

https://www.facebook.com/24news.am/videos/%D6%83%D5%A1%D5%B7%D5%AB%D5%B6%D5%B5%D5%A1%D5%B6%D5%A8-%D5%BD%D5%BA%D5%A1%D5%BC%D5%B6%D5%A1%D6%81-

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[4] https://tert.am/am/news/2026/06/09/tsarukyan-gagik/4273468

[5] https://armenpress.am/hy/article/1252988

[6] https://armenpress.am/hy/article/1252988 ; https://news.am/hy/video/1043078

[7] https://www.pastinfo.am/hy/news/2026/06/15/%D5%86%D5%A1%D6%80%D5%A5%D5%AF-

%D4%BF%D5%A1%D6%80%D5%A1%D5%BA%D5%A5%D5%BF%D5%B5%D5%A1%D5%B6%D5%AB-

%D5%A5%D5%AC%D6%84%D5%B6-%D5%AB%D6%80%D5%A5%D5%B6%D6%84-%D5%B9%D5%A5%D5%B6-

%D5%A1%D6%80%D5%A3%D5%A5%D5%AC%D5%A5%D5%AC/1971759

[8] https://www.azatutyun.am/a/33810004.html

[9] https://www.azatutyun.am/a/33810506.html 

[10] https://factor.am/1029849.html

[11] https://tert.am/am/news/2026/07/03/ervand-bozoyan/4276106

[12] https://armlur.am/1578765/

[13] https://www.aravot.am/2026/06/23/1565013/ ; https://newsarmenia.am/am/news/armenia/ishkhan-saghatelyani-bnakaranum-ev-avtomeqenanerum-khuzarkutyun-e-katarvum/

[14] https://t.me/armeniasputnik/102236

[15] https://t.me/armeniasputnik/102162

[16] https://t.me/armeniasputnik/102187

[17]    https://www.azatutyun.am/a/gagik-ghazinyany-kboghokarki-ir-paymanagiry-dadaretsnelou-oroshoumy/33821013.html

[18] https://www.armenianchurch.org/hy/news/berni-mijazgayin-joghov-27-05-2025/11839

[19] https://www.azatutyun.am/a/katoghikosy-kkangni-datarani-arjev-orpes-meghadryal/33819263.html

[20] https://b24.am/other/452388.html

[21] https://www.civilcontract.am/news-inner/924

[22] https://www.azatutyun.am/a/katoghikosy-kkangni-datarani-arjev-orpes-meghadryal/33819263.html

[23] https://www.aravot.am/2026/06/25/1565530/

[24] https://www.aravot.am/2026/06/25/1565530/

[25] https://www.aravot.am/2026/06/04/1561372/

[26] https://www.azatutyun.am/a/azh-ynddimoutyouny-mtadir-e-sd-oum-vicharkel-arterkroum-aprogh-hh-kaghakatsineri-yntrakan-iravounki-sahmanapakoumy/33795655.html

[27] https://www.concourt.am/decision/decisions/6a4d16c659189_SDV-1835.pdf

[28] https://regionstv.am/38820.html

[29] https://factor.am/1048183.html