FACT-FINDING REPORT POLITICAL REPRESSIONS IN ARMENIA June–July 2026 (Part One)
The Fact-Finding Report (hereinafter, the “Report”) was prepared by the Committee for the Rights of Persons Persecuted on Political Grounds [1](hereinafter, the “Committee”), established on 14 July 2026, with the aim of presenting both to the Armenian public, and the domestic and international institutions, with a comprehensive and objective picture of the ongoing political developments in Armenia, to the extent possible.
Executive Summary
This Report documents patterns of apparent politically motivated human rights violations in the Republic of Armenia during June–July 2026 period. The facts are assessed in light of the Constitution of the Republic of Armenia and Armenia’s international obligations as a State Party to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR), and other related instruments.
The main concerns identified during the reporting period relate to the following:
- Deaths in the detention facilities and lack of timely access to medical care;
- Systematic display of degrading treatment during arrests (disproportionate use of handcuffs, forcing unresisting persons to the ground, filming such actions);
- The use of pre-trial detention as a rule rather than an exceptional measure in relation to opposition political figures;
- Restrictions on visits and contacts with family members, including minors;
- Obstacles to the effective exercise of the right to defense;
- Fair-trial guarantees, including issues related to the assignment of cases and judicial independence;
- Restrictions on the right of prominent opposition figures to leave the country;
- Conducting searches in early morning hours and interference with the right to privacy;
- Dismissals from employment of academics and public-sector employees known for their critical views;
- Pressure on the Armenian Apostolic Holy Church and members of the clergy, controversial amendments to the electoral legislation, and disputing the election results;
- Actual deprivation of property of an opposition leader;
- Manifestations of dissemination of hate speech and hostility based on political or religious views and place of residence.
Individual cases, considered in combination with each other, point to a broader pattern rather than isolated incidents which raises concerns regarding the situation with the rule of law, separation of powers, and political pluralism in the country. Moreover, the Constitutional Court has also noted that the parliamentary candidates subjected to criminal prosecution were exclusively representatives of the opposition.
The Committee calls upon the authorities of the Republic of Armenia and the judiciary, and urges the international partners to implement the measures set out in the concluding section of this Report.
Scope and Purpose of the Report
This Fact-Finding Report is based on materials examined by the Committee, media reports, the Report on Political Repressions Preceding the Elections, published on 18 June 2026[2], information provided by the political parties, as well as information concerning new cases recorded in the post-election period.
The Report primarily covers the period of June–July 2026. Its purpose is to examine the persistence of the patterns of repression documented during the pre-election period and their effect on democratic institutions, the separation of powers, the right to fair trial, freedom of expression, political participation, and other fundamental human rights and freedoms.
Methodology and Sources
The Report was prepared on the basis of publicly available and verifiable sources. Each factual assertion is accompanied by a reference to the relevant source in the footnotes.
The sources used include court decisions and publications concerning court hearings, statements and findings from monitoring visits by the Human Rights Defender, official statements by state bodies, statements by political forces and defense lawyers, as well as publications by established media outlets.
Where a claim is based on a single source or is disputed by one of the parties, this is expressly indicated. Wherever possible, information has been cross-checked against independent sources for verification purposes. The Report consistently distinguishes between established facts, on the one hand, and claims, assessments, or assumptions, on the other. Where an official position or version presented by law-enforcement bodies or other state institutions was available, it has also been included in the Report.
The cases included were selected on the basis of the following criteria: they became publicly known during the reporting period and raise concerns regarding Armenia’s compliance with the above-mentioned international obligations. The list of the cases presented in the Report is not exhaustive.
The facts are assessed in light of the UDHR, the ICCPR, the ECHR and its Protocols, the Convention on the Rights of the Child, the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, as well as the relevant standards of the OSCE/ODIHR and the Council of Europe Venice Commission, and the Constitution of the Republic of Armenia. The principal applicable legal standards are identified at the beginning of each section.
The Report covers the period of June–July 2026, while in certain cases referrs to events outside that period where necessary to provide context. The information provided is current as of the beginning of August 2026.
This document assesses the compliance of the actions by the state authorities with applicable human rights standards and does not prejudge the criminal guilt or innocence of any individual.
Political Context
The public sphere has generally been characterized by steadily increasing tensions, deepening of dissatisfaction, lack of sense of security and growing concerns in this regard, as well as an increase in aggressive conduct, including more frequent incidents of violence. The authorities have contributed to the formation of such an environment through their domestic and foreign policies, rhetoric that has often inflamed public sentiment and subsequent actions by law-enforcement and security bodies.
Domestic political tensions have also been aggravated by Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan’s harsh and, at times, threatening public statements concerning political opponents, courts, and judges. Given the status of the official making these statements and the actions subsequently undertaken by law-enforcement bodies, such statements have been perceived as explicit instructions directed at law-enforcement and judicial bodies, rather than political rhetoric, thus further deepening feelings of injustice, impunity, and fear among the public.
During 2025 and in the months preceding the 7 June 2026 National Assembly elections, numerous cases were recorded involving criminal prosecutions, searches, detention, dismissals from employment, and administrative and economic pressure against opposition political figures, civil society activists, journalists and media outlets, lawyers, members of the academic community, the Catholicos of All Armenians, and the clergy of the Armenian Apostolic Holy Church.
The general atmosphere prevailing during the pre-election period, together with threatening statements made by the Prime Minister about his competitors during the campaign, restricted citizens’ ability to freely express their electoral will and raised concerns about free and fair elections, and its transparency, thereby questioning the legitimacy of its outcome.
ANALYSIS OF THE FACTS BY THE RIGHTS VIOLATED
Every Human Being Has the Inherent Right to Life
Applicable standards: Constitution of the Republic of Armenia, art.24; UDHR, art. 3; ICCPR, art. 6; ECHR art. 2.
On 31 July 2026, information concerning the deaths of 27 persons in the Armenian penitentiary institutions in the period of 2025–2026[3] was published in the media. Ten of those deaths were reported as suicides, while 17 detainees died as a result of health conditions which, in many cases, were reportedly manifestly incompatible with continued detention. Moreover, many of those who died in detention had not even been convicted and were being held in pre-trial detention. Of particular concern is the fact that both the judges who ordered detention and the medical staff of the penitentiary institutions were aware of the illnesses.
Despite the legal safeguards in place, they are reportedly often not applied, or required medical interventions are carried out only after considerable delay due to bureaucratic hassle involving the “Penitentiary Medical Center” State Non-Commercial Organization[4], as a result of which the detainees are deprived of medical care necessary to ensure their right to life. The frequency of such cases questions their intentionality, which, in its turn, can be viewed at from the perspective of torture.
During the reported period alone, concerns were raised regarding the health of Andranik Tevanyan, leader of the “Mother Armenia” Party and number two on the electoral list of the “Prosperous Armenia” Party, who has been held at the “Yerevan-Kentron” Penitentiary Institution since 23 May 2026[5]. On 20 July 2026, his health deteriorated sharply. Although his condition was described as critical, no ambulance was called claiming that his condition had subsequently stabilized. On 22 July 2026, the court, nevertheless, extended his detention for a further two months. According to the information available to the Committee, A. Tevanyan had not suffered from serious health problems prior to his detention.
On 17 July 2026, the legal team representing Gyumri Mayor Vardan Ghukasyan informed the court that he urgently required surgery.[6] According to the defense team, an application concerning the surgery and related medical examinations had been submitted to the Penitentiary Medical Center several weeks earlier. However, by the date of the court hearing, no response was received and no action was taken, thereby placing at risk the health of V. Ghukasyan, who already suffered from serious health problems. At the hearing, the public prosecutor requested that Vardan Ghukasyan’s detention be extended for another three months. By the court decision, however, the preventive measure was replaced with three months of house arrest, bail in the amount of AMD 15 million, and a prohibition on leaving the country[7].
The seriousness of the issue was illustrated particularly starkly by the case of 53-year-old Armen Hovhannisyan. On 16 May 2026, he was arrested for tearing down an election campaign poster of the ruling “Civil Contract” Party and taken to a detention facility, after which he was transferred to a psychiatric hospital.[8] Several hours later, Armen Hovhannisyan was found hanged. The actions of the law-enforcement authorities raise serious questions regarding legality and lawfulness therein, as criminal proceedings had been initiated in relation to a conduct constituting an administrative offence, contrary to the explicit requirements of the Armenian legislation, which resulted in loss of life.
Two months after the incident, the media outlet Factor.tv reported that the investigation into Armen Hovhannisyan’s death by suicide was suspended on the grounds that no accused person was identified.[9]
No One Shall Be Subjected to Torture or to Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment
Applicable standards: Constitution of the Republic of Armenia, art. 26; UDHR, art.5; ICCPR, art.7; ECHR, art. 3; UN Convention against Torture.
Under the current authorities, not only the use of handcuffs during arrest without adequate justification of necessity, but also forcing unresisting persons to the ground, filming it and subsequently making the footage public have become a recurring practice in politically sensitive cases. In a society where personal dignity and reputation are particularly valued, such treatment is widely perceived as degrading.
On 6 July 2026, two days after the Constitutional Court delivered its decision on the dispute of the results of the 7 June 2026 National Assembly elections, Gagik Tsarukyan, the leader of the “Prosperous Armenia” Party, was arrested. The arrest was carried out as part of a large-scale law-enforcement operation. Publicly circulated footage showed the 70-year-old Tsarukyan, who was not resisting, being forced to the ground while officers attempted to place him in handcuffs. The manner in which the arrest was carried out raised questions concerning the necessity and proportionality of the force used and respect for his dignity. Handcuffs were again used when he was subsequently transported for investigative actions.[10] The deliberate degrading nature of the treatment is further suggested by reports that the handcuffs were too small for his wrists and, therefore, could not effectively serve as a restraint. The matter has been taken up for examination by the Human Rights Defender of the Republic of Armenia,[11] although no public report has yet been issued.
The use of handcuffs as a form of degrading treatment is particularly apparent in cases when a person voluntarily presents himself to the penitentiary institution, nonetheless, he is initially refused entry, and is admitted only after being handcuffed and filmed. One recent obvious instance was registered with the parliamentary candidate Andranik Tevanyan.[12]
Of particular concern is the fact that during the first week of A. Tevanyan’s detention, a strong light remained switched on in his cell day and night, which could be considered as torture. Despite his requests that the light be switched off at night, no action was taken. The issue was resolved only following intervention by the Human Rights Defender.
Anyone Arrested or Detained on a Criminal Charge Shall Be Entitled to Trial Within a Reasonable Time or to Release. It shall not be the general rule that persons awaiting trial shall be detained in custody.
Applicable standards: ICCPR, art.9; ECHR, art. 5.
Keeping persons awaiting trial in detention, and repeatedly extending detention on the stated ground that they may obstruct the investigation has become a recurring practice under the current authorities. Currently, in nearly all cases under preliminary investigation involving individuals associated with political opposition, the accused have remained in detention for months or under house arrest, whenever the preventive measure has been modified.
According to the World Prison Brief, nearly half of all persons held in Armenia’s prison system—48.1%—are in pre-trial detention and have not yet received a final judgment.[13] In 2015, this figure stood at 28.7%, meaning that the share of pre-trial detainees has increased by 19.4 percentage points compared to 2015.[14] By comparison, the proportion of pre-trial detainees is 23.3% in neighboring Georgia and 20.8% in Azerbaijan.[15]
At the same time, according to the Council of Europe’s SPACE I 2025 penal statistics, as of 31 January 2025, persons in pre-trial detention constituted 52%of the total prison population in Armenia. By this indicator, Armenia ranked fifth from the bottom among Council of Europe member states. By comparison, the figure was approximately 20% in Georgia and 21% in Azerbaijan.[16]
On 24 June 2026, Avetik Chalabyan, coordinator of the “Hayaqve” National Civic Union, who had expressed support for the “Strong Armenia” Party, was remanded in custody for two months. Chalabyan was charged with preparation to obstruct the voting rights of a group of persons.[17]
On 9 July 2026, Aregnaz Manukyan, a board member of the “Mother Armenia” Party, former Member of Parliament, and parliamentary candidate on the electoral list of the “Prosperous Armenia” Party, was arrested and subsequently remanded in custody. Her arrest followed a search of her residence several weeks earlier, on 12 June 2026, and an interrogation conducted immediately thereafter.
On 22 July 2026, the detention of Andranik Tevanyan, leader of the “Mother Armenia” Party and number two on the “Prosperous Armenia” electoral list in the 7 June 2026 parliamentary elections, was extended for a further two months.
Criminal proceedings and restrictive measures previously initiated against leaders, members, and supporters of the opposition “Strong Armenia” Alliance also continued during the post-election period.
On 9 July 2026, the Anti-Corruption Court extended the house arrest for the alliance leader Samvel Karapetyan for a further two months and maintained the restrictions previously imposed on his communications and contacts.[18] The court justified the extension, inter alia, by noting that a number of witnesses had not yet been questioned.The defense, however, argued that maintaining house arrest throughout the investigation of a case comprising more than 130 volumes could not be justified solely by the fact that certain witnesses had not yet been questioned.
On 31 July 2026, the detention of Alik Aleksanyan, co-founder of the “Strong Armenia” Party, was extended.[19] According to his lawyer, no investigative action involving Aleksanyan had been carried out during approximately two months. Nevertheless, the investigating authority had justified his detention by referring to numerous planned investigative actions and the alleged risk that he might obstruct them.
Davit Ghazinyan, a parliamentary candidate of “Strong Armenia” Alliance and former Director and Acting Director of Electric Networks of Armenia (ENA), was arrested on 18 June 2026 and remanded in custody for two months at the request of the Anti-Corruption Committee. On 24 July 2026, the court lifted his detention as a preventive measure following his acquisition of the status of Member of Parliament. It is noteworthy that despite clear statutory requirements, the prosecutor was objecting to lifting the preventive measure and requesting that it be replaced with bail of AMD 1 billion.[20]
In the same case, the detention of Arman Sargsyan was replaced with house arrest for a period of three months. The house arrest of Liliya Sargsyan and Arsen Melikyan was extended for three months each.[21]
On 2 July 2026, retired Colonel Edik Maloyan was arrested. According to media reports, he is also a supporter of the “Strong Armenia” Party.[22] By the court decision, Edik Maloyan was remanded in custody for two months.
According to the official version presented by the Investigative Committee, Maloyan induced an officer with state secret clearance to disclose confidential information and subsequently published the data allegedly obtained unlawfully.
On 6 June 2026, the day preceding the election and designated under the Armenian legislation as the silence period, the law-enforcement bodies carried out actions at the residence of Armen Ashotyan, Vice-President of the Republican Party of Armenia. He was subsequently arrested and remanded in custody for one month.[23]
Ashotyan’s arrest took place on a day when election campaigning was prohibited, yet information concerning his arrest and other criminal proceedings was widely disseminated through the media and social networks. Opposition circles described this as an attempt to influence public sentiment on the eve of the elections and to discourage political activity.
The defense and Ashotyan’s political associates characterized his arrest and detention as politically motivated, linking it to the criticism he had voiced the previous day, on 5 June 2026, during a live social-media commentary on the main pre-election debate, in which he criticized statements made by Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan. The fact that he was arrested the following day has been cited by his supporters as an additional indication of a possible political motive. According to his lawyers, Ashotyan was arrested in connection with a case dating back ten years, in which no investigative action was carried out for a considerable period of time; the only and most recent interrogation has reportedly taken place at the end of 2019. On 30 July 2026, by the decision of the Anti-Corruption Court of Appeal, Ashotyan’s detention was replaced with house arrest,[24] which was subsequently extended for a further one month.[25]
On 31 July 2026, the court extended the house arrest of Artur Sargsyan, a Member of the ninth convocation of the National Assembly elected on the list of the “Armenia” Alliance, in violation of the parliamentary immunity as guaranteed by Article 96 of the Constitution of the Republic of Armenia and Article 108 of the Constitutional Law on the Rules of Procedure of the National Assembly, as well as the relevant provisions of the Constitutional Court’s decision on the matter.
Within the criminal case publicly referred to as the “Case of the 18 Innocents”, Archbishop Bagrat Galstanyan, Member of Parliament Artur Sargsyan and Vahagn Chakhalyan, members of the “Sacred Struggle” movement, continue to remain under house arrest.
On 7 June 2026, the day of the National Assembly elections, opposition public figure Karapet Poghosyan was arrested,[26] and detention was imposed on him as a preventive measure. He remained in detention for two months. At the expiry of that period, the court rejected the investigator’s motion to extend his detention, and the preventive measure was replaced with a written undertaking not to leave the country.[27]
All Persons Deprived of Their Liberty Shall Be Treated with Humanity and with Respect for the Inherent Dignity of the Human Person
Applicable standards: the Constitution of the Republic of Armenia, art. 26.3; ICCPR, art. 10; ECHR, art. 3; the UN Nelson Mandela Rules.
Concerns regarding the conditions in which persons deprived of liberty are held have been the subject of discussion for many years. These concerns have been exacerbated by overcrowding in penitentiary institutions, which is linked to the excessive use of detention, with deprivation of liberty frequently imposed as a preventive measure instead of alternative measures. The situation is further aggravated by delays in judicial proceedings, as cases often remain pending for prolonged periods and individuals consequently spend extended length of time in detention before judgment. Existing prison infrastructure does not always meet contemporary standards, further worsening detention conditions and, in some cases, contributing to physical and psychological health problems.
On 24 July 2026, upon the instruction of the Human Rights Defender, representatives of the Defender’s Department for the Prevention of Torture and Ill-Treatment, acting as the National Preventive Mechanism (NPM),[28] conducted unannounced monitoring visits to detention facilities at the Masis and Artashat divisions of the Police of the Ministry of Internal Affairs.[29] The representatives examined the conditions in which persons deprived of liberty were held, the extent to which their rights were ensured, and compliance with applicable standards. They also reviewed the provision of food, medical care and services, communication with the outside world, and other matters relevant to the protection of human rights. During the monitoring visit, the representatives also examined temporary holding cells for persons deprived of liberty at court premises, including their physical conditions, furnishings and sanitary and hygienic standards, as well as the provision of food, access to legal assistance, and other matters relating to the exercise of detainees’ rights.
On 20 July 2026, following a visit to the Goris Penitentiary Institution, representatives of the Human Rights Defender’s Office recorded that the physical conditions of the facility did not comply with applicable international standards.[30]
Serious concerns regarding humane treatment also arise from what has reportedly become a recurring practice of depriving detainees of visits with family members, particularly their minor children and elderly parents. During the reporting period, Andranik Tevanyan, Aregnaz Manukyan,[31] Avetik Chalabyan, and others were denied the right to meet with their minor children.[32]
Another matter of concern is that, in the case of almost all detained persons holding opposition views, visits by Members of the National Assembly have also been prohibited. This prevents MPs from responding promptly and effectively to existing or emerging problems concerning the conditions and rights of detainees.[33]
Rights of the Child
Applicable standards: Constitution of the Republic of Armenia, art. 37.3; Convention on the Rights of the Child, art. 3 and 9; ICCPR, art. 24.
Restrictions on communication between detained persons and their minor children must likewise be based on specific and individualized reasons, taking into account not only the detained person’s right to family life but also the best interest of the child. Such restrictions may cause additional suffering to the child, amounting to serious violation of the child’s rights and potentially constituting psychological torture both for the parent and the child.
Particularly concerning is the restriction imposed on Aregnaz Manukyan, a parliamentary candidate on the electoral list of the “Prosperous Armenia” Party. She was denied not only in-person contact with her daughter, but also telephone communication with her. The Human Rights Defender arranged for a psychologist to work with Aregnaz Manukyan’s minor daughter: the psychologist concluded that the child’s psychological difficulties could worsen.
Every State Undertakes to Ensure an Effective Legal Remedy
Applicable standards: Constitution of the Republic of Armenia, art. 61; ICCPR, art. 2.3 and 14.3; ECHR, art. 6.3 and 13.
On 22 July 2026, investigators removed Yerem Sargsyan, lawyer for the leader of “Prosperous Armenia,” from the proceedings. Gagik Tsarukyan’s legal team stated that “at this stage, we must record both the unlawful acts that have taken place and the fact that, by every possible and impossible means, Mr. Tsarukyan is being deprived of his right to an effective defense.”[34]
There have been frequent cases in which lawyers have not been allowed to enter premises being searched or to gain access to persons undergoing questioning, or where insufficient time has been provided to summon a lawyer.
On 6 July 2026, at the beginning of the searches conducted at the house of the “Prosperous Armenia” leader Gagik Tsarukyan, lawyers were prevented from entering the premises for a considerable period of time.[35]
A similar pattern was observed in the actions taken against Andranik Tevanyan, Aregnaz Manukyan, and Yervand Bozoyan, representatives of the “Mother Armenia” Party. These actions included searches of the offices and residences, problems related to the presentation of judicial authorizations, restrictions on video recording, insufficient time to summon a lawyer, and interrogation conducted immediately following the searches.
These circumstances may have restricted the individuals’ ability to obtain effective legal assistance, monitor the conduct of the searches, and organize an adequate legal defense.
Everyone Has the Right to a Fair Trial
Applicable standards: Constitution of the Republic of Armenia, art. 63; UDHR, art. 10 and 11; ICCPR, art.14; ECHR, art. 6.
The basis for a fair trial is the examination of a case by a fair and impartial judge. A group of judges has emerged who tend to carry out the wishes of the authorities and have been labeled by the public as “heart’s judges” (“favourite judges”).[36]
The electronic case-ascription system is not operational at the Court of First Instance, and cases are assigned to the judges by the president of the Court. By a remarkable coincidence, politically sensitive and high-profile cases are assigned to judges who follow the authorities’ preferences when passing decisions on detention. Once a particular judge is assigned, defense lawyers often state that an objective examination of the case is virtually impossible and predict in advance both the imposition of detention and its subsequent extension. Such judges occupy relatively low positions in judicial rating tables,[37] which, according to critics, undermines confidence in the justice system as a whole.
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To be continued
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[1] 14.07.2026, A1plus, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bHhetGoChjE
The purpose of the Committee is to document, through fact-finding, cases in which fundamental human rights have allegedly been violated for political reasons, including through persecution, criminal proceedings, deprivation of liberty, dismissal from employment, restrictions on freedom of movement, and other measures.
[2] 18.06.2026, https://csi.am/sites/default/files/ELECTIONS-REPORT-2026.06.17-FINAL.pdf, https://csi.am/sites/default/files/elections%202026%20report.pdf
[3] https://news.am/hy/news/1052615
[5]https://tert.am/am/news/2026/07/21/andranik-tevanyan/4278078
[6]https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=en-toZEi6O8
[7]https://armenpress.am/hy/article/1255822
[8] https://news.am/hy/video/1036060
[9] https://factor.am/1040843.html
[10] https://yerevan.today/i-dep-tcarukyanin-dzernashghthaner-dardzyal-chein-karoghacel-amracnel-cucadrelu-hamar-ein-mi-kerp-harmarecrel/
[11] https://www.azatutyun.am/a/mip-y-gagik-tsaroukyani-dzerbakalman-tesanyouti-arnchoutyamb-ousoumnasiroutyoun-e-sksel/33799341.html
[12] https://auroranews.am/news/2026-05-23-dzerbakalel-en-andranik-thevanyanin
[13] https://www.prisonstudies.org/country/armenia
[14] https://prisonstudies.org/world-prison-data/highest-lowest/highest-lowest-pre-trial-detainees-remand-prisoners
[15] https://prisonstudies.org/world-prison-data/highest-lowest/highest-lowest-pre-trial-detainees-remand-prisoners
[16] https://www.coe.int/en/web/portal/-/serious-overcrowding-and-increasing-proportions-of-older-and-women-detainees-in-european-prisons
[17] https://www.azatutyun.am/a/chalabyany-kalanavorvets-erkou-amsov/33787934.html
[18] https://hetq.am/hy/article/182605
[19] https://hetq.am/hy/article/182605
[20] https://hetq.am/hy/article/182874
[21] https://www.aravot.am/2026/07/24/1570810/
[22] https://www.aravot.am/2026/07/24/1570810/
[23] https://www.aravot.am/2026/06/06/1561691/
[24] https://www.azatutyun.am/a/ashotyani-nkatmamb-kirarvats-khapanman-mijotsy-pokhvel-e/33818393.html
[25] https://tert.am/am/news/2026/08/04/armen-ashotyan/4279509
[26] https://news.am/hy/news/1041662
[27] https://arm.sputniknews.ru/20260806/datarany-merzhel-e-iravapashtpan-karapet-pvoghvosjani-kalanqy-erkaradzgelu-mijnvordutjuny-105460218.html
[28] Մարդու իրավունքների պաշտպանի մասին ՀՀ սահմանադրական օրենքի հոդված 2.2:
[29] https://ombuds.am/news/3905
[30] https://www.1lurer.am/hy/2026/07/21/1/1548367
[31] https://www.azatutyun.am/a/mip-aregnazin-manoukyani-erekhayi-het-shpvelou-argelk/33809135.html
[32] https://news.am/hy/news/1051213?utm
[33] https://www.azatutyun.am/a/ahazang-banteroum-sahmanapakoumner/33805182.html
[34] https://www.azatutyun.am/a/tsaroukyani-pastabaniheratsrel-en-varouytits/33809934.html
[35]https://arminfo.info/full_news.php?id=102455&lang=1
[36]https://hraparaktv.am/post/52273aede1c50b43c33fad16337fd97a
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